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Guest lecture 1
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How is disinformation about climate change spread today? (Guestlecture Bennett)
- political money: money comes from energy sources (lobbyists)
- Think tanks: produce disinformation and feed it to the press
- Information sources: paid experts
- Publicity events:
- Distribution networks: social media. Press will talk about it when it gets a lot of attention on social media
Goal: economic growth. Co2 will only go down during a recession -
What purpose does disinformation serve? (Guest lecture Bennett)
- creates confusion and distraction in public debates
- provides a political cover for politicians to roll back on environment protection. 'the voter does not want to help climate change'.
- supporters threatened identity of way of life (fits with other right wing ideas)
- invites supporters of parties to resist economic change -
What should journalists, researchers and citizens do about the disinformation of climate change?
Donts:
- not usefull to talk about climate change
- scientists should not interfere with politics
Do's:
- Large publics need to accept the consequences of climate change since it is hitting home.
- develop common solutions that work
- They should shift the conversation to the failures of the economy and politics.
- Become a more coherent movement
- Pressure left parties to change the economic narrative
- Find ways to engage all citizens -
What can journalists do about the disinformation on climate change (guest lecture bennett)?
- Balance can be bias: journalists should report more about the underlying causes. E.g. Why are we always cheeringa bout economic growth, it is bad for the environment
- Raise more questions about the effectiveness of the solutions. Ask more critical economical questions -
Lecture 1
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What is the definition of political communication?
It is an interactive process concerning the transmision of information among politicians , the media and the citizens -
Blumler & Kavanagh (1999) talked about age 3 of political communication. They identified 5 trends that shaped this age. What were these trends?
- intensified personalised imparitives: you must profile yourself as a likeable person.
- increase compeitive pressure; politicians are aware of the newsvalues, more focus on infotainment, looking for scandals (public/private breakdown)
- populism: telling people what they want to hear
- centrifugal diversification: people will have a preference to a channel. All channels will cover events differently. Everyone has different views on topics.
- audience perception of politics: political information is everywhere, in entertainment shows etc. -
Brants & van Praag (2006) linked the media ages of Blumler and Kavanagh (1999) to three kinds of logics. What are these logics?
Partisan logic: the media is the mouthpiece of the political party. The reporting is substantive
Public logic: the media is independent and respectfull towards political parties. However, they are a bit sceptical as well. The public is adressed as a citizen.
Media logic: The media are dominant, entertaining and very cynical. The reporting is less substantive. The public is adressed as a consumer. -
Brants and van Praag (2017) are criticising their own ideas of logic. What are their main four problems with the term 'media logic'?
- scarce evidence for this phenomenom: no more personalisation
- media are being lumped together: what happens for internet may not happen for television
- assumption of linear inevitability: logics do not have to go in a linear chronological order
- negative undertone: reaching the media logic is seen as something negative -
What are the three components that you have to look at when you want to comparing media systems according to Hallin and Mancini (2004)?
- political parallelism: the characters of links between media organisation and politics. To what extend does media reflect political
devision
external: different sources for different views
internal: same sources for different views
- quality of journalists
- stat interference -
What are the three models of media systems made by Hallin and Mancini (2004)?
Polalized pluralist (mediterrean)
- high political parallelism (external)
- low proffesionalisation
- high state control
Democratic corporatist (north europe)
- high professionalisation
- high state control to preserve quality
- neutral media
- internal pluralism
Liberal model (US)
- neutral but very commercial
- low state involvement: market driven
- internal pluralism
- very professional
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